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When Moroni heard of Amalickiah's plans to make himself king, "he rent his coat; and he took a piece thereof, and wrote upon it - In memory of our God, our religion, and freedom, and our peace, our wives, and our children - and he fastened it upon the end of a pole. And he fastened on his headplate, and his breastplate, and his shields, and girded on his armor about his loins; and he took the pole, which had on the end thereof his rent coat, (and he called it the title of liberty) and he bowed himself to the earth, and he prayed mightily unto his God for the blessings of liberty to rest upon his brethren . . . ." (Alma 46:12-13). Moroni's title of liberty is obviously patterned after the Roman triumph, which was instituted by Romulus. Livy says that after Romulus killed the prince of Caenina, whose men had invaded Roman territory, "he took the armour which he had stripped from the body of the enemy commander, fixed it on a frame made for the purpose, and carried it in his own hands up to the Capitol, where, by an oak which the shepherds regarded as a sacred tree, he laid it down as an offering to Jupiter. At the same time he determined on the site of a plot of ground to be consecrated to the God" (Livy 1960, 45). Plutarch, describing this same event, says that Romulus "cut down a tall oak which he saw growing in the camp, which he trimmed to the shape of a trophy, and fastened on it Acron's whole suit of armour disposed in proper form; then he himself, girding his clothes about him . . . carried the trophy resting erect upon his right shoulder" (Plutarch n.d., 35). Roman military commanders were permitted to celebrate victories in battle by leading a triumph through the city of Rome.

For a biblical parallel, we have the story of Jeroboam, an ambitious young man. When the prophet Ahijah met Jeroboam in a field, he rent Jeroboam's new garment into twelve pieces, signifying the rending of Solomon's kingdom, just as Moroni rent his coat, when the unity of the land of Zarahemla was threatened by Amalickiah.

Moroni called upon the people to maintain the title of liberty.

And it came to pass that when Moroni had proclaimed these words, behold, the people came running together with their armor girded about their loins, rending their garments in token, or as a covenant, that they would not forsake the Lord their God . . . . Now this was the covenant which they made, and they cast their garments at the feet of Moroni, saying: We covenant with our God, that we shall be destroyed, even as our brethren in the land northward, if we shall fall into transgression; yea, he may cast us at the feet of our enemies, even as we have cast our garments at thy feet to be trodden under foot, if we shall fall into transgression. (Alma 46:21-22)

Asa and the people of Judah entered into a similar covenant, after the defeat of Zerah the Ethiopian.

And he gathered all Judah and Benjamin, and the strangers with them out of Ephraim and Manasseh, and out of Simeon: for they fell to him out of Israel in abundance, when they saw that the Lord his God was with him. . . . And they entered into a covenant to seek the Lord God of their fathers with all their heart and with all their soul; that whosoever would not seek the Lord God of Israel should be put to death, whether small or great, whether man or woman. And they sware unto the Lord with a loud voice . . . . (2 Chronicles 15:9-14)

After fleeing to the land of Nephi, Amalickiah gained favor with the king of the Lamanites, who ordered his people to prepare to fight the Nephites. Part of the Lamanites, who feared the Nephites and did not want to fight, fled to a place called Onidah and gathered together on the top of mount Antipas, with their leader, Lehonti. Three times Amalickiah sent messages to Lehonti, bidding him to come down to the foot of the mount, but Lehonti refused. The fourth time, Lehonti came down, and Amalickiah proposed to deliver his men into Lehonti's hands, if he would make Amalickiah second in command over the whole army. Lehonti brought his men down during the night and surrounded Amalickiah's men. When they awoke, they pleaded with Amalickiah to surrender them to Lehonti. Amalickiah later poisoned Lehonti, thereby becoming the chief commander.

The primary sources for this story are two incidents in Josephus's The Jewish War. Aristobulus made himself king, although Hyrcanus was the rightful heir. Hyrcanus fled to Petra, the royal seat of the king of Arabia, where Aretas agreed to give Hyrcanus an army to help him regain his kingdom. Aristobulus defeated Hyrcanus, who sought the aid of Pompey. Pompey pursued Aristobulus "to Alexandrium, which is a stronghold, fortified with the utmost magnificence, and situated upon a high mountain, and he sent to him, and commanded him to come down" (Josephus 1974, 1:27). Aristobulus came down a number of times to consult with Pompey, but returned to the mountain, until Pompey commanded him to order his men to leave the stronghold. Aristobulus returned to Jerusalem, and when Pompey followed, Aristobulus "promised him money, and that he would deliver up both himself and the city into his disposal" (Josephus 1974, 1:28). However, Aristobulus reneged on his promise, and later he was poisoned by some of Pompey's supporters.

In the second passage from Josephus, Simon, who had separated himself from a group of Jews who had taken control of the fortress of Masada, started to attack the Idumeans.

Now, there was one of their commanders, named Jacob, who offered to serve them readily upon that occasion, but had it in his mind to betray them. He went therefore from the village Alurus, wherein the army of the Idumeans were gotten together, and came to Simon, and at the very first he agreed to betray his country to him, and took assurances upon oath from him that he should always have him in esteem, and then promised him that he would assist him in subduing all Idumea under him . . . and when he was returned to his own men, he at first belied the army of Simon, and said it was manifold more in number than what it was; after which, he dexterously persuaded the commanders, and by degrees the whole multitude, to receive Simon, and to surrender the whole government up to him without fighting . . . . (Josephus 1974, 1:335)

Amalickiah became commander of the combined forces of the Lamanites and then made himself king, after having the king murdered: "yea, having been made king over the Lamanites, he sought also to reign over all the land, yea, and all the people who were in the land, the Nephites as well as the Lamanites" (Alma 48:2). Caesar says that Vercingetorix was accused of treachery and of conspiring with Caesar to have the kingship of Gaul conferred upon him as a reward. He acquitted himself, but his designs were as ambitious as those of Amalickiah: "By his own efforts he would win over the tribes that were not yet in agreement with their aims. Then he would create a single policy for the whole of Gaul, and had already almost brought this about. With Gaul thus united, the whole world could not stand against them" (Caesar 1985, 147).

The Book of Mormon says that "as soon as Amalickiah had obtained the kingdom he began to inspire the hearts of the Lamanites against the people of Nephi; yea, he did appoint men to speak unto the Lamanites from their towers" (Alma 48:1). Caesar states that Vercingetorix used "every means he could think of to bring the other tribes into the alliance, even trying to seduce them with bribes and promises. For this job he chose men who were particularly suited and likely to succeed either because they had a subtle way with words or because they were friends of the tribes concerned" (Caesar 1985, 148).

Moroni strengthened his armies and erected fortifications. The Lamanites were astonished, because the Nephites "were prepared for them, in a manner which never had been known among the children of Lehi" (Alma 49:8). Caesar reports that the Gauls were alarmed by the Roman siege-towers, "which had never been seen or heard of in Gaul before" (Caesar 1985, 48).

Speaking of the city of Noah, the Book of Mormon says that "the Lamanites could not get into their forts of security by any other way save by the entrance, because of the highness of the bank which had been thrown up, and the depth of the ditch which had been dug round about, save it were by the entrance" (Alma 49:18). The combination of high bank and deep ditch was a common Roman tactic, as is attested to by Caesar, when he writes, "the Nervii surrounded our camp with a rampart nine feet high and a ditch 15 feet wide. They had learned how to do this by watching our methods in previous years" (Caesar 1985, 107).

When the Lamanites approached the entrance to the Nephite fort, many of them were slain by stones and arrows: "Now when they found that they could not obtain power over the Nephites by the pass, they began to dig down their banks of earth that they might obtain a pass to their armies . . . but behold, in these attempts they were swept off by the stones and arrows which were thrown at them; and instead of filling up their ditches by pulling down the banks of earth, they were filled up in a measure with their dead and wounded bodies" (Alma 49:22). Caesar says that the Gauls "hurled missiles from all sides into our fortifications . . . . thinking they could not break through the gates of our camp because these were blocked . . . they began to break down the rampart with their hands and fill the ditches with earth. At that point, our troops burst out from all the gates . . . . We killed great numbers of them" (Caesar 1985, 110).

The Book of Mormon gives a particularly detailed description of the fortifications which Moroni ordered to be built. In accordance with Moroni's instructions, his armies commenced "digging up heaps of earth roundabout all the cities . . . . And upon the top of these ridges of earth he caused that there should be timbers, yea, works of timbers built up to the height of a man . . . . And he caused that upon those works of timbers there should be a frame of pickets built upon the timbers round about; and they were strong and high. And he caused towers to be erected that overlooked those works of pickets" (Alma 50:1-4). Moroni's fortification is patterned after a similar siege work which was constructed under Caesar's supervision. Caesar first had trenches dug: "Behind these trenches, I erected a rampart and palisade 12 feet high. To this I added a breastwork with battlements, with large forked branches projecting at the point where the breastwork joined the rampart . . . . Finally, I had turrets erected at intervals of about 80 feet along the entire circuit of our fortifications" (Caesar 1985, 165). The Book of Mormon adds another feature; it says that Moroni "caused places of security to be built upon those towers, that the stones and the arrows of the Lamanites could not hurt them" (Alma 50:4). This again appears to be derived from Caesar. In the Civil War, Caesar says that Roman legionaries decided to build "a tower of brickwork there close up against the wall as a sort of fort and place of refuge . . . . it could be extremely useful if this tower was built up high" (Caesar 1976, 83). The tower was built especially to protect the men from javelins and blows form catapults.

A land dispute arose between the cities of Lehi and Morianton. When Moroni gave protection to the inhabitants of Lehi, Morianton and his followers decided to leave their territory and take possession of the land northward. Caesar tells the story of Orgetorix, who wanted to become king of the Helvetii. The Helvetii felt that their territory was too small, so Orgetorix "started a conspiracy among the nobles of the tribe and persuaded the people to move out of their territory, taking all their forces with them. His argument was that it would be easy for them, the bravest of the Gauls, to get control of the whole country" (Caesar 1985, 17).

Moroni feared that the inhabitants of Bountiful "would hearken to the words of Morianton and unite with his people" (Alma 50:32). Similarly, the Helvetii persuaded neighboring tribes to set off with them. Moroni sent an army to stop the flight of Morianton's followers: "And it came to pass that they did not head them until they had come to the borders of the land Desolation; and there they did head them, by the narrow pass which led by the sea into the land northward" (Alma 50:34). Caesar traveled speedily to Geneva, where he succeeded in blocking the march of the Helvetii across the Rhone river: "There remained only the road through the territory of the Sequani, which could not be used without their consent because it was so narrow" (Caesar 1985, 20). The Sequani were persuaded to allow the Helvetii to go through the pass, and Caesar once more had to pursue them.

A fresh contention arose among the Nephites. Twenty-five years earlier, they had abolished the monarchy and were now being ruled by a chief judge and governor. However, one party wanted to change the law, and when Pahoran, the chief judge, refused to accept their petitions, they became angry: "those who were desirous that Pahoran should be dethroned from the judgment-seat were called king-men, for they were desirous that the law should be altered in a manner to overthrow the free government and to establish a king over the land" (Alma 51:5). In early Roman history, the sons of king Ancus were cheated out of their right to the kingship by a man named Tarquin, who gained popular support and was elected to succeed Ancus. To strengthen his position, Tarquin added 100 members to the Senate: "owing their promotion to the king, these new members naturally constituted a party of 'king's men', supporting him in everything" (Livy 1960, 74). However, Tarquin had only two successors, before the reign of the Roman kings was ended by rebellion and the office of consul was instituted.

After Amalickiah was killed by Teancum and replaced by his brother Ammoron, the Lamanites retreated into the city of Mulek. Teancum set about strengthening his position "by casting up walls round about and preparing places of resort" (Alma 52:6). Caesar says that after Sabinus was killed, a man named Ambiroix gained influence among the Gauls, and they attacked Cicero: "During the night, using the timber that had been collected for the fortifications and working with incredible speed, Cicero's men built about 120 towers and made good any parts of the defences that seemed inadequate" (Caesar 1985, 106).

Moroni sent a large number of men to buttress Teancum's army and wrote a letter, ordering Teancum to retain all Lamanite prisoners. However, Moroni wrote, "I would come unto you, but behold, the Lamanites are upon us in the borders of the land by the west sea; and behold, I go against them, therefore I cannot come unto you" (Alma 52:11). Similarly, when Caesar learned that Cicero's men were in danger, he sent messages to Gaius Fabius and Labienus, asking them to move their legions toward enemy territory, while he left Crassus in charge of hostages in Amiens. However, Labienus wrote back, saying that the armies of the Treveri were moving against him and that he therefore would not be able to go to the aid of Cicero.

Moroni and Teancum wanted the Lamanites to come out onto the plains between Bountiful and Mulek, so they sent messengers to Jacob, the leader of the Lamanites, but Jacob "would not come out with his army to meeet them upon the plains" (Alma 52:20). Similarly, Sanballat and Geshem sent word to Nehemiah five times, saying that they wanted him to come out of Jerusalem and meet them in the plain of Ono, but Nehemiah refused. The Book of Mormon says: "Moroni, having no hopes of meeting them upon fair grounds, therefore, he resolved upon a plan that he might decoy the Lamanites out of their strongholds" (Alma 52:21). The plan was for Teancum to take a small number of men and march near Mulek. When the Lamanites saw him, they came out to attack, and Teancum pretended to retreat to draw them away, while Moroni's army marched into the city. Caesar says that on his way to rescue Cicero, he met a large number of the enemy in a valley: "Since my force was so small, it would have been very risky to fight on unfavourable ground . . . . I was hoping that if we made a pretence of being afraid, we could entice the Gauls onto our own ground and so engage them in battle on our side of the valley in front of our camp. . . . the men were told to run about as much as possible and give the impression that they were afraid. All this induced the Gauls to bring their troops across the valley and form them up on unfavourable ground" (Caesar 1985, 110). Joshua used tactics almost identical to those of Moroni to take the city of Ai (Joshua 8), as did the men of Israel against the city of Gibeah (Judges 20).

The Lamanites pursued Teancum to Bountiful, but were met by the army of Lehi, which had been left there to protect the city. The Lamanites fled in confusion, "for they were wearied because of their march, and the men of Lehi were fresh" (Alma 52:28). Caesar reports that Galba's camp was attacked by the Gauls: "What got the better of them was that when the enemy withdrew from the battle exhausted by prolonged fighting, fresh troops filled their places" (Caesar 1985, 59). As the Lamanites retreated, they met Moroni's army approaching from the rear, and again the text says that the men of Moroni and Lehi "were fresh and full of strength; but the Lamanites were wearied because of their long march" (Alma 52:31). The Lamanites were surrounded and Jacob, their commander, resolved upon a desperate tactic: "therefore Jacob was determined to slay them and cut his way through to the city of Mulek" (Alma 52:34). Caesar says that when Galba's men were being besieged by the Gauls, a tribune "ran up to Galba and told him that they must now resort to the emergency plan: their only hope of getting away safely was to break through the enemy's lines" (Caesar 1985, 59).

The Lamanites surrendered, and the Nephites marched the prisoners back to Bountiful: "and Teancum, by the orders of Moroni, caused that they should commence laboring in digging a ditch round about the land, or the city, Bountiful. And he caused that they should build a breastwork of timbers upon the inner bank of the ditch; and they cast up dirt out of the ditch against the breastwork of timbers; and thus they did cause the Lamanites to labor until they had encircled the city of Bountiful round about with a strong wall of timbers and earth, to an exceeding height" (Alma 53:3-4). Similarly, Caesar states that Roman prisoners instructed the Nervii in their methods of constructing ramparts and towers. However, the breastwork of timbers, which was built around Bountiful, seems to be different from the fortifications described earlier. Caesar also says that he decided to add to the siege works of Alesia.

And so tree trunks or very strong branches were cut down, and the ends of these were stripped of bark and sharpened. Long trenches were dug, five-feet deep, and the stakes were sunk into them with just the top parts projecting; they were fastened at the bottom so that they could not be pulled out. There were five rows in each trench, fastened together and interlaced . . . . In front of these, pits were dug . . . . Smooth stakes as thick as a man's thigh, with sharpened ends and hardened in the fire, were set into these pits . . . . To keep them firmly in position, earth was thrown into the bottom of the pits and trodden down . . . . (Caesar 1985, 165-66)

Caesar says further that the siege works which the Romans constructed near Alesia formed a circuit of eleven miles.

In the southwest, Helaman was in charge of the campaign against Ammoron's forces. The people of Ammon sent 2,000 of their young men to give support to the Nephites. Helaman's band of 2,000 were exceedingly valiant and greatly distinguished themselves in battle. Although they received wounds, they seemed to be nearly immortal. They had entered into a covenant "that they never would give up their liberty, but they would fight in all cases to protect the Nephites and themselves from bondage" (Alma 53:17). They were instrumental in recapturing the cities of Antiparah, Cumeni, Zeezrom, and Manti from Ammoron's armies. This band of fighting men corresponds to the army of slaves commanded by Gracchus. They were inspired by their desire to obtain their freedom, which Gracchus promised that they would have, if Hannibal was defeated. Each man acted "as a tower of defence for his friends and as a terror to his enemies. This army of slaves snatched Cumae, Beneventum, and other towns from the very jaws of Hannibal and restored them to Rome" (Livy 1965, 357). When these slaves won their freedom, they were permitted to wear "the cap of liberty or white woolen headbands," which recalls Moroni's "title of liberty."

The brothers Amalickiah and Ammoron have another parallel in the brothers Blaedla and Attila. Bede says that when the Britons appealed to the Roman consul Aetius for help, their plea went unanswered, because Aetius was battling the Huns. Blaedla (like Amalickiah) was killed, but Attila (like Ammoron) went on destroying cities. Geoffrey of Monmouth states in his history that after the Britons' appeal to Aetius failed, Guethelin, the archbishop of London, sought help from Aldroen, king of Armorica. Aldroen replied, "I do commit unto thy charge my brother Constantine and two thousand men, who, if God so will, may free the land from the inroads of the barbarians" (Geoffrey 1963, 115). Constantine's band of two thousand men was victorious, as was Helaman's.

Ammoron sent word to Moroni, saying that he was willing to exchange prisoners. Moroni wrote back to Ammoron, demanding that for each prisoner exchanged, Ammoron must release the man's wife and children. This is an obvious imitation of the letters sent between Darius and Alexander. Alexander had managed to capture the mother, wife, and children of Darius, and Darius sent envoys to Alexander with a letter, asking for their release. Alexander wrote back, demanding that Darius acknowledge him as the victor and ask for the release of his mother, wife, and children in person. Caesar also exchanged letters with Ariovistus, king of the Germans, to demand that he release children who were being held as hostages.

Moroni found among his men a Lamanite, whom he sent to Gid, where Nephite prisoners were being held, and the Lamanite told the guards that he had escaped. Caesar relates two similar stories: Sabinus selected a Gaul from his troops, who was sent to the enemy, pretending to be a deserter, and Cicero similarly sent a Gaul through enemy lines to Caesar. Moroni's spy carried strong wine to the Lamanite guards, who drank freely, until they fell into a drunken stupor. While they were in a deep sleep, Moroni's men surrounded the city and threw weapons in to the prisoners. Similarly, in the Trojan War, the Greeks advanced towards Troy, while inside the walls of the city, armed men were hidden inside the wooden horse. Virgil writes: "They marched on a city buried in a sleep deepened by wine." In another passage, Nisus says of the Turtulians, "The wine has overpowered them; they have sunk to the earth asleep and silence spreads over their wide camping-ground" (Virgil 1958, 59, 231). The Lamanites tried to use the same ruse on the Nephites, using both wine and poison: "And many times did they attempt to administer of their wine to the Nephites, that they might destroy them with poison or with drunkenness" (Alma 55:30). Livy reports that some of the senators of Capua tried to kill themselves by drinking wine and taking poison, before the Romans entered the city.

Moroni marched to Nephihah to liberate the city and found that the Lamanites were all asleep: "And now Moroni returned to his army, and caused that they should prepare in haste strong cords and ladders, to be let down from the top of the wall into the inner part of the wall. And it came to pass that Moroni caused that his men should march forth and come upon the top of the wall, and let themselves down into that part of the city, yea, even on the west, where the Lamanites did not camp with their armies" (Alma 62:21-22). Fabius used a similar tactic against the city of Arpi, where many of the sentries had been put to sleep by the sound of the rain: "his orders were that . . . they should carry ladders to the spot indicated. There was a low, narrow gate there, leading to an unfrequented street through a more or less deserted part of the town. Their task was first to get over the wall by means of the ladders and open the gate from inside" (Livy 1965, 287). The Romans also used ladders to enter the town of Locri: "The expedition left Rhegium carrying ladders specially made for what they had been told was the height of the citadel . . . . They, in their turn, all ready and on the watch, let down specially prepared ladders of their own; up went the Roman soldiers in several places simultaneously, and, before a warning cry could be raised, fell upon the Carthaginian sentries, who, suspecting no such danger, were of course asleep" (Livy 1965, 574).

Teancum, along with a servant, had already succeeded in stealing into Amalickiah's camp, thrusting a javelin into the king's heart, without awakening the king's servants, and had returned to the Nephite camp. He now resolved to do the same to Ammoron. He let himself down over the wall of the camp with a cord and wounded the king, but "the king did awaken his servants before he died, insomuch that they did pursue Teancum, and slew him" (Alma 62:36). This story has parallels in the Iliad and the Aeneid. In the Iliad, Diomedes and Odysseus entered the Thracian camp, killed the king, and returned safely to their own camp. But in the Aeneid, Eurylaus and Nisus were less fortunate. They stole into the camp of the Rutulians and slew the king, but were hunted down and killed in a forest, before they could get back to the Trojan camp. Also, after the Philistines marched to Michmash, Jonathan and his armorbearer stole into the Philistine garrison and slew a number of men.

After the armies of Ammoron were defeated and peace was restored to the land, a man named Hagoth built a large ship, which took many people northward. The following year, he built more ships: "And the first ship did also return, and many more people did enter into it; and they also took much provisions, and set out again to the land northward. And it came to pass that they were never heard of more. And we suppose that they were drowned in the depths of the sea. And it came to pass that one other ship also did sail forth; and whither she did go we know not" (Alma 63:7-8). Caesar ordered the construction of many ships to carry his men and supplies to Britain. Sixty of his ships "had been driven off course by a storm and had returned to their starting point" (Caesar 1985, 89). Of the return voyage, Caesar says: "It happened that out of such a fleet of ships, making so many voyages both in that and the previous year, not a single one with troops on board was lost. But of those sent back to me empty from the continent (that is, those on their way back from Gaul after disembarking our first contingent, and the 60 that Labienus had had built after the start of the expedition), very few reached their destination, almost all the rest being driven back. I waited some time for these ships, but in vain" (Caesar 1985, 97).

When Pahoran, the chief judge and governor in the land of Zarahemla, died, his three sons vied with each other to succeed him. Pahoran was chosen, and his brother Pacumeni gave him his support. But the third brother, named Paanchi, rebelled, along with his followers. After Paanchi was tried and condemned to death, his supporters sent a man named Kishkumen to kill Pahoran as he sat upon the judgment-seat. Pahoran was succeeded by Pacumeni.

Tubaloth, who was now king of the Lamanites, appointed a man named Coriantumr to lead his armies against the Nephites. He headed for the city of Zarahemla in the heart of the land. Meeting with no resistance, he quickly captured the city and killed many of its inhabitants, including Pacumeni. This must have been as great a shock to the Nephites as was the sack of Rome by the Gauls, under the command of Brennus. When Brennus approached the gates of the city, he found no guards and his men went on a rampage, killing and pillaging. In addition, Hannibal was seized by the impulse "to make straight for the centre of things and march on Rome" (Livy 1965, 363). In order to draw the Romans away from the siege of Capua, he marched along the Latin Way, but was stopped about three miles from Rome. Coriantumr also marched "through the center of the land" from Zarahemla toward Bountiful, but was turned back by Lehi and Moronihah.

Helaman became chief judge, but "Kishkumen, who had murdered Pahoran, did lay wait to destroy Helaman also; and he was upheld by his band, who had entered into a covenant that no one should know his wickedness" (Helaman 2:3). However, Helaman's servant discovered the plot, and while pretending to lead Kishkumen to the judgment-seat, he stabbed and killed Kishkumen. Similarly, a number of Jews banded together and plotted to kill Paul, when he was being brought to the council for questioning. Paul's nephew learned about the conspiracy and told the chief captain, who was holding Paul: "for there lie in wait for him of them more than forty men, which have bound themselves with an oath, that they will neither eat nor drink till they have killed him . . . . So the chief captain then let the young man depart, and charged him, See thou tell no man that thou hast shewed these things to me" (Acts 23:21-22). When the conspirators learned that Kishkumen was dead, Gadianton led them "out of the land, by a secret way, into the wilderness" (Helaman 2:11). Roman centurions also secretly conducted Paul to Antipatris during the night.

Josephus supplies further material for this story. According to The Jewish War, Herod had three sons, who wished to succeed him as king. Two of his sons, Alexander and Aristobulus, were opposed by a third son named Antipater. They became bitter enemies, and Antipater did everything within his power to turn Herod against his other sons. Alexander falsely confessed to being involved in a conspiracy against Herod with his uncle Pheroras. Alexander's father-in-law, Archelaus, came to his aid and managed to reconcile matters for a time. As a reward, Herod gave him a concubine named Pannychis. Later a barber claimed that he had made a deal with Alexander to cut Herod's throat; Herod had both the barber and his two sons killed. Still later, Antipater was also accused of plotting against Herod and was put to death. In addition, Herod had given the high-priesthood to Mariamne's brother, Aristobulus, but then, after Aristobulus had officiated at the altar during a festival, Herod ordered that he be taken away and drowned in a pool.

Paanchi, who rebelled against his brothers, represents Antipater, and his name is probably derived from Pannychis, the concubine who was given to Archelaus. The conspiracy to murder Pahoran and Helaman reflects the slaying of Mariamne's brother, as well as the accusations of plots against Herod by Alexander and Antipater.

Before Kishkumen was killed, his band of conspirators was joined by a man named Gadianton, "who was exceedingly expert in many words, and also in his craft, to carry on the secret work of murder and of robbery; therefore he became the leader of the band of Kishkumen" (Helaman 2:4). Gadianton promised that if he were placed on the judgment-seat, he would give other members of the band positions of power and authority. After Kishkumen was killed, Helaman ordered the arrest of the band, but Gadianton and his men fled into the wilderness. The band secretly established itself in many parts of the land and were responsible for the murder of several chief judges, until they obtained complete control of the Nephite government. A war followed, in which the Gadianton band was defeated, but it was later revived, and the band lived in the mountains. Another major war followed, in which the Nephites were besieged by the robbers, under the leadership of Zemnarihah. However, Zemnarihah was forced to withdraw and attempted to lead his people into the land northward. He was intercepted by a Nephite army and was killed.

These events are based upon the famous Catiline conspiracy. According to Plutarch, Lucius Catiline fomented revolt not only among the young men of Rome, but throughout Etruria as well. Catiline decided to stand for the consulship, but was rejected in favor of Cicero. He was supported by some soldiers, who longed to engage in robbing and looting. Catiline planned to stand for the consulship again and to kill Cicero on election day. Word of the plot got out, and Catiline was again rejected. He left the city under orders from Cicero, but he gathered together an army. Meanwhile, conspirators remained in Rome, led by Lentulus, who planned to kill the entire senate. He was also joined by the Allobroges, who were ready to revolt. Cicero's agents among the conspirators told him about the plot, and a messenger carrying letters to Catiline was ambushed at night. Lentulus was convicted and imprisoned. When word reached Catiline, he marched his men through the mountains toward Gaul, but was intercepted by the Romans and was killed in battle.

The Gadianton band had secret signs, words, and oaths, and members entered into a covenant not to reveal their secret acts of murder and robbery. According to Sallust, "There was a rumour current at the time that when Catiline, on the conclusion of his speech, called on the associates of his plot to swear an oath, he passed round bowls of human blood mixed with wine; and when all had tasted of it after invoking a curse upon themselves if they broke faith, in accordance with the usual practice at such solemn ceremonies, he revealed the details of his scheme" (Sallust 1963, 191).

The Gadianton robbers bear a very strong resemblance to certain groups of Jews, who rebelled against Roman rule in the time of Vespasian. Josephus refers to these groups as robbers, and they included the Sicarii and Zealots, who murdered men in broad daylight. Josephus says that the Sicarii slew Jonathan, the high priest, and speaking of both the Sicarii and Zealots, he says that they "cut the throats of the high-priests, that so no part of a religious regard to God might be preserved; they thence proceeded to destroy utterly the least remains of a political government" (Josephus 1974, 1:502).

Josephus relates Herod's attempts to rid Galilee of robbers. Herod led an army against the robbers, who had overrun a great part of the country and were hiding in caves. He succeeded in destroying many of them, but there were others who remained concealed in caves. The Roman procurator Festus also tried to eradicate the robbers, but his successor, Albinus, was in league with the robbers and allowed their activities to continue.

In the meantime, there were mass migrations from Zarahemla into the land northward, which was almost devoid of trees: "And there being but little timber upon the face of the land, nevertheless the people who went forth became exceedingly expert in the working of cement; therefore they did build houses of cement, in the which they did dwell" (Helaman 3:7). This absence of timber and the skill in working with cement seem to match the barrenness of Egypt and the expertise of the Egyptians in stone-masonry. Julius Caesar noted that "Alexandria is almost entirely secure against fire; the buildings have no carpentry or timber, and are composed of masonry" (Caesar 1976, 167).

A combination of dissenters and Lamanites pushed the remaining Nephites northward to the land Bountiful: "And there they did fortify against the Lamanites, from the west sea, even unto the east; it being a day's journey for a Nephite, on the line which they had fortified and stationed their armies to defend their north country" (Helaman 4:7). An earlier passage describes this narrow neck of land: "And now, it was only the distance of a day and a half's journey for a Nephite, on the line Bountiful and the land Desolation, from the east to the west sea; and thus the land of Nephi and the land of Zarahemla were nearly surrounded by water, there being a small neck of land between the land northward and the land southward" (Alma 22:32). The fortifying of this narrow neck of land has many parallels. Plutarch says that after Spartacus started his rebellion in the peninsula of Rhegium, Crassus "began to build fortifications right across the isthmus. . . . A ditch, nearly forty miles long and fifteen feet wide, was carried across the neck of land from sea to sea; and above the ditch he constructed a wall which was astonishingly high and strong" (Plutarch 1972, 125). Tacitus also describes the isthmus in Britain which Agricola defended: "The Clyde and the Forth, carried inland to a great depth on the tides of opposite seas, are separated only by a narrow neck of land. This isthmus was now firmly held by garrisons, and the whole expanse of country to the south was safely in our hands. The enemy had been pushed into what was virtually another island" (Tacitus 1970, 74). Hadrian later built a wall from the Tyne to the Solway, and Antoninus Pius constructed a wall between the Forth and the Clyde. Plutarch says further that when Xerxes descended on Greece, the Greeks decided to defend the Peloponnesus "and resolved to gather all their forces together within the Isthmus, and to build a wall from sea to sea in that narrow neck of land" (Plutarch n.d., 139).

Lehi and Nephi, the sons of Helaman, went on a mission to the land of Nephi, where they were cast into prison. Many days later, some Lamanite soldiers were sent to take Lehi and Nephi out of the prison and kill them. Nephi and Lehi were encircled by fire: "Nevertheless, Nephi and Lehi were not burned; and they were as standing in the midst of fire and were not burned. . . . the Lamanites durst not lay their hands upon them; neither durst they come near unto them, but stood as if they were struck dumb with amazement" (Helaman 5:23-25). When Lehi and Nephi spoke, the earth and prison walls shook. Everyone in the prison was overshadowed by a cloud of darkness, and they heard a voice above the cloud. A man named Aminadab looked "and behold, he saw through the cloud of darkness the faces of Nephi and Lehi; and behold, they did shine exceedingly, even as the faces of angels. And he beheld that they did lift their eyes to heaven; and they were in the attitude as if talking or lifting their voices to some being whom they beheld" (Helaman 5:36). This account mirrors the story of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, who were ordered to be thrown into a fiery furnace by Nebuchadnezzar. The fire was so hot that it killed the soldiers who threw the three men into the furnace. When Nebuchadnezzar looked into the furnace, he saw "four men loose, walking in the midst of the fire, and they have no hurt; and the form of the fourth is like the Son of God" (Daniel 3:25). When the three men emerged from the furnace, everyone was amazed to find that the fire had had no effect upon them. In addition, when Moses reached Sinai, the Lord descended on the mount in fire "and the smoke thereof ascended as the smoke of a furnace, and the whole mount quaked greatly" (Exodus 19:18). When Moses came down from mount Sinai the second time, the skin of his face shone, and people were afraid to come near him. The dark cloud which overshadowed the people in the prison also recalls Josephus's account of what occurred when Solomon dedicated his temple: "Now, as soon as the priests had put all things in order about the ark, and were gone out, there came down a thick cloud, and stood there; and spread itself, after a gentle manner, into the temple . . . . This cloud so darkened the place, that one priest could not discern another; but it afforded to the minds of all a visible image and glorious appearance of God's having descended into this temple" (Josephus 1974, 2:502).

The voice which the people in the prison heard "was not a voice of thunder, . . . it was a still voice of perfect mildness" (Helaman 5:30). When Elijah went to a cave in mount Horeb, the Lord passed by, followed by a strong wind, an earthquake, and fire, and then Elijah heard "a still small voice" (1 Kings 19:12).

When Nephi returned from a mission to the land northward, he found that the Gadianton robbers had taken control of the government. He ascended a tower in his garden to pray, and when some men saw him, a multitude gathered to hear him speak. This recalls Acts 10, which states that when Peter went up upon the housetop of Simon the tanner and beheld a vision, three men sent by Cornelius arrived. They conducted Peter to Cornelius, who called together his kinsmen and friends to hear Peter speak. The speech which Nephi delivers in Helaman 8 bears some resemblances to Stephen's speech in Acts 7.

The voice of God came to Nephi, saying, "Behold, I give unto you power, that whatsoever ye shall seal on earth shall be sealed in heaven; and whatsoever ye shall loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven" (Helaman 10:7). This is a variation of the words which Jesus spoke to Peter: "whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven: and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven" (Mat. 16:19). Nephi was also transported by the Spirit: "for he was taken by the Spirit and conveyed away out of the midst of them. And it came to pass that thus he did go forth in the Spirit, from multitude to multitude, declaring the word of God" (Helaman 10:16-17). Philip was similarly carried away by the Spirit: "And when they were come up out of the water, the Spirit of the Lord caught away Philip, that the eunuch saw him no more: and he went on his way rejoicing. But Philip was found at Azotus: and passing through he preached in all the cities, till he came to Caesarea" (Acts 8:39-40).

After the secret band of robbers had waged a war among the Nephites for two years, Nephi called down a famine upon the land. The earth dried up and thousands of people died. When the chief judges pleaded with Nephi, he asked the Lord to send rain. Similarly, Elijah prophesied to Ahab that rain would cease to fall, and there was a severe famine in Samaria. But after Elijah defeated the priests of Baal, a great rain began to fall. The Nephites repented because of the famine and swept away the band of Gadianton "and they have concealed their secret plans in the earth" (Helaman 11:10). Similarly, after Paul preached and performed miracles in Ephesus, the people repented of their evil practices: "Many of them also which used curious arts brought their books together, and burned them before all men" (Acts 19:19). Nephi later departed out of the land and disappeared, just as men looked for Elijah, but could not find him, after he had been carried away in a chariot of fire.

The righteous Lamanites and Nephites united to battle the Gadianton robbers, but they were forced to withdraw from their lands and take up a fortified position in the center of the land, with a seven-year supply of provisions. The Nephites beat back the robbers during a ferocious battle, but Zemnarihah, the robber leader, laid siege to the Nephite fortification.

This Nephite fortification corresponds to the stronghold of Masada. Josephus tells us that Herod fled to Masada to escape a plot against him. He left his family there, and while he journeyed to Rome, they were besieged by Antigonus; however, Herod returned and freed them. Herod later fortified Masada and built storage chambers for food and provisions. The Sicarii obtained control of Masada from the Romans: "Afterward when they had carried everything out of their houses, and had seized upon all the fruits that were in a flourishing condition, they brought them into Masada. And indeed these men laid all the villages that were about the fortress waste, and made the whole country desolate; while there came to them every day from all parts, not a few men as corrupt as themselves" (Josephus 1974, 1:323). Similarly, the Book of Mormon says that thousands of people, with their provisions, gathered to the fortified position of the Nephites: "And the robbers could not exist save it were in the wilderness, for the want of food; for the Nephites had left their lands desolate, and had gathered their flocks and their herds and all their substance, and they were in one body" (3 Nephi 4:3).

The Nephites succeeded in destroying the Gadianton robbers, but about eight years later, there was once again a secret combination in the land, which murdered the chief judge. Although the secret combination destroyed the government and appointed a man named Jacob to be their king, they could not gain any support from the people. Therefore, Jacob "commanded his people that they should take their flight into the northernmost part of the land, and there build up unto themselves a kingdom" (3 Nephi 7:12). Josephus tells us that a man named Simon joined the robbers who had seized Masada, "yet when he persuaded them to undertake greater things, he could not prevail with them so to do . . . but he, affecting to tyrannize, and being fond of greatness . . . left them, and went into the mountainous part of the country . . . and got together a set of wicked men from all quarters." Josephus says further that "a great many of the populace were obedient to him as to their king" (Josephus 1974, 1:333-34).

After a period of great political upheaval, the central government ceased to exist, and the Nephite nation was broken up into tribes. Then at the crucifixion of Jesus, the land was racked by terrible earthquakes and tempests. The Book of Mormon lists fifteen cities which were destroyed. The city of Moroni sank into the sea, Moronihah was buried under the earth, and a great mountain rose up in its place; other cities, including Zarahemla, were burned, while others were inundated by water; and hills and valleys appeared where cities had been. Tactitus says that "twelve famous cities in the province of Asia were overwhelmed by an earthquake. . . . Open ground -- the usual refuge on such occasions -- afforded no escape, because the earth parted and swallowed the fugitives. There are stories of big mountains subsiding, of flat ground rising high in the air, of conflagrations bursting out among the debris" (Tacitus 1971, 101). Thucydides also reports that there were earthquakes in the area of the Isthmus of Corinth: "During this same period when earthquakes were happening so frequently . . . the sea subsided from what was then the shore and afterwards swept up again in a huge wave, which covered part of the city and left some of it still under water when the wave retreated, so that what was once land is now sea" (Thucydides 1972, 247).

Following this devastation, the people at Bountiful heard the voice of God. According to Livy, a party was sent to investigate a shower of stones on the Alban Mount: "At the same time a great voice seemed to issue from the grove on the top of the hill, bidding the Albans return to the religion of their fathers which they had allowed to fall into abeyance" (Livy 1960, 68).

The voice of God at Bountiful introduced the Son, who appeared and taught the people, as he had done in Palestine. For two hundred years following Jesus' appearance, the people lived as one and enjoyed continual peace. Similarly, in Eclogue IV, Virgil hails Augustus almost as a god and his reign as the dawn of a glorious, new golden age. The two hundred years after Augustus came to be known as the Pax Romana or Roman Peace, during which the Roman Empire was relatively undisturbed by war.

When Jesus appeared on the American continent, he performed many of the same miracles as are recorded in the Bible: he healed the sick and lame, cured the blind, deaf, and dumb, and raised a man from the dead. He preached many of the same words and chose twelve disciples. He instituted the sacrament of the Lord's Supper and also performed the miracle of feeding the multitude, by producing bread and wine out of nothing.

After Jesus blessed some children, angels descended, "and they came down and encircled those little ones about, and they were encircled about with fire; and the angels did minister unto them" (3 Nephi 17:24). This occurred before the Holy Ghost fell upon Jesus' twelve disciples, which is described as follows: "And it came to pass when they were all baptized and had come up out of the water, the Holy Ghost did fall upon them, and they were filled with the Holy Ghost and with fire. And behold, they were encircled about as if it were by fire" (3 Nephi 19:13-14). Both of these events mirror the day of Pentecost, when the Holy Ghost fell upon the twelve apostles: "And there appeared unto them cloven tongues like as of fire, and it sat upon each of them. And they were all filled with the Holy Ghost" (Acts 2:3-4).

Since Jesus was a resurrected being, he obviously could not go through another transfiguration; therefore, the Book of Mormon substitutes three Nephite disciples, who were granted their wish that they would never taste of death: "And behold, the heavens were opened, and they were caught up into heaven, and saw and heard unspeakable things. And it was forbidden them that they should utter . . . and whether they were in the body or out of the body, they could not tell; for it did seem unto them like a transfiguration of them, that they were changed from this body of flesh into an immortal state, that they could behold the things of God" (3 Nephi 28:13-15). This parallels Paul's account of being caught up into heaven: "I knew a man in Christ above fourteen years ago, (whether in the body, I cannot tell; or whether out of the body, I cannot tell: God knoweth;) such an one caught up to the third heaven. And I knew such a man, (whether in the body, or out of the body, I cannot tell: God knoweth;) how that he was caught up into paradise, and heard unspeakable words, which it is not lawful for a man to utter" (2 Cor. 12:2-4). The three disciples chosen to undergo this experience in the Book of Mormon reflect the fact that when Jesus was transfigured, he took Peter, James, and John with him, who therefore formed a triad, along with Jesus, Moses, and Elias.

Two hundred and sixty years after Christ, the secret combinations of Gadianton were revived, and the Nephites became exceedingly wicked. The Book of Mormon states, "And behold, in the end of this book ye shall see that this Gadianton did prove the overthrow, yea, almost the entire destruction of the people of Nephi" (Helaman 2:13). Similarly, Procopius laid much of the blame for the degeneration of the Roman Empire on Justinian. He portrayed Justinian as a demon in human form, and said, "he brought on the Romans disasters which surely surpassed both in gravity and in number all that had ever been heard of at any period of history. For without the slightest hesitation he used to embark on the inexcusable murdering of his fellow-men and the plundering of other people's property" (Procopius 1966, 70). Procopius states further that Justinian attached himself to a faction known as the Blues, who collected together in gangs and committed robbery and murder, as the Gadianton robbers did.

The Book of Mormon says that it was the devil who put the secret oaths and covenants into the heart of Gadianton. According to Procopius, Justinian's own mother told some of her close friends that Justinian was the offspring of a demon, which visited her one night. Procopius also adds: "Some of those who were in the Emperor's company late at night . . . thought that they saw a strange demonic form in his place" (Procopius 1966, 103). In addition, Mormon states: "And it came to pass that there were sorceries, and witchcrafts, and magics; and the power of the evil one was wrought upon all the face of the land" (Mormon 1:19). Procopius also portrays Theodora, the wife of Justinian, as an utterly ruthless person who believed in magic: "For from her earliest years she had herself consorted with magicians and sorcerers, as her whole way of life led her in that direction, and to the very end she put her trust in these arts" (Procopius 1966, 151).

The final years of the Nephites were a period of great upheaval. They were continually pursued and attacked by the Lamanites and Gadianton robbers, who drove them out of their cities in the land of Zarahemla and forced them to retreat northward. This state of affairs again parallels the condition of the Roman Empire in the days of Justinian. There were huge movements of people, and the empire was attacked on all sides: "the Medes and Saracens had ravaged the greater part of Asia, and the Huns, Slavs, and Antae the whole of Europe; they had razed some of the cities to the ground, and compelled others to pay up almost to the last penny; they had carried off the population into slavery with all their possessions, and had emptied every district of its inhabitants by their daily raids" (Procopius 1966, 155).

The Nephites did score some successes, but Mormon was so offended by the boasting of the Nephites, after they defeated the Lamanites at the city of Desolation, that he refused to be their commander any longer. However, after the Nephites suffered serious reverses, Mormon repented of his oath and was again given command of the army. Thus Mormon behaved much like Achilles, who in the Iliad was so insulted by the actions of Agamemnon that he resolved to sit out the Trojan war, but entered the battle again when the Achaians were nearly defeated.

The retreat of the Nephites from Zarahemla, across the narrow neck of land into the land northward, brings to mind the Anabasis of Xenophon, which records the long march of the Ten Thousand, those Greeks who had been in the service of Cyrus, until his defeat. In order to return home, they had to march through Armenia and Paphlagonia to the Hellespont and Thrace. They were forced to fight a number of battles, as they passed through hostile territory, just as the Nephites continually fought the Lamanites as they retreated northward.

After the Nephites had been beaten back for many years, Mormon sent a letter to the king of the Lamanites, requesting that he allow the Nephites to gather to the hill Cumorah. The Lamanites also marched toward Cumorah with an enormous army, which filled the Nephites with terror. This recalls Xerxes, who spent four years gathering troops for his attack on the Greeks. The hill Cumorah reflects Mt. Athos, the point from which Xerxes launched his army. Herodotus estimated the number of Xerxes's men as 1,700,000. The soldiers were counted in groups of ten thousand, and Herodotus lists each of the contingents which made up the army. Mormon also says that the Nephite army was divided into groups of ten thousand, and he lists the names of the commanders of each ten thousand. The Nephite army was almost completely wiped out at Cumorah, and the war with Xerxes was also a great disaster for the Persian forces.

At the battle of Cumorah, the civilization of the Nephites was finally brought to an end, and the savage Lamanites, a dark and loathsome people, ranged over the land, killing the remnants of the Nephites. The battle of Cumorah parallels the capture of Rome in A.D. 410 by Alaric, the Visigoth. In the remaining years of the century, Italy was invaded by the Vandals and other Germanic tribes, until the Roman Empire passed completely under the domination of barbarians, and the darkness of the Middle Ages followed.

Mormon wrote his record before the battle of Cumorah, using the plates of Nephi. Before his death, he gave his abridgment to his son Moroni, who made some additional writings: "Behold I, Moroni, do finish the record of my father, Mormon" (Mormon 8:1). Caesar's Gallic War provides a parallel, for it too was finished by another man, named Aulus Hirtius, who writes at the beginning of Book VIII, " I have continued the commentaries our friend Caesar wrote" (Caesar 1985, 177).